Summary: Non-signatory Libya has expressed interest in the convention, but has not taken any steps to accede to it. Libya has participated in several meetings of the convention, most recently in September 2016, and voted in favor of a key United Nations (UN) resolution promoting the convention in December 2017.

Libya is not known to have produced or exported cluster munitions, but it imported them and possess a stockpile. Cluster Munition Monitor has not able to independently verify and confirm evidence of possible cluster munition use in Libya in the past year.

Policy

Libya has not acceded to the Convention on Cluster Munitions.

Libya has expressed interest in joining the convention, but has not taken any steps to accede.[1] Previously, in September 2012, Libya informed States Parties that it was “committed” to promoting the convention.[2]

Since December 2015, a Government of National Accord (GNA) resulting from a UN-facilitated political process has continued to function in Libya despite continued hostilities between two major factions to the agreement, namely the House of Representatives allied with General Khalifa Hiftar in the east of Libya, who commands the Libya National Army (LNA), and the alliance of militias known as the Libyan Dawn coalition that controls much of western Libya. Other parts of Libyan territory are controlled or contested by smaller militias.

Under the former government ofMuammar Gaddafi, Libya participated in three regional conferences held during the 2007–2008 Oslo Process that developed the Convention on Cluster Munitions, but attended the formal negotiations in Dublin in May 2008 only as an observer and did not join in the consensus adoption of the convention.[3] Libya did not attend the Oslo Signing Conference in December 2008.

Libya has participated as an observer in several meetings of the convention, most recently the Sixth Meeting of States Parties in Geneva in September 2016.[4]

In December 2017, Libya voted in favor of a UN General Assembly (UNGA) resolution that calls on states outside the Convention on Cluster Munitions to “join as soon as possible.”[5] Libya voted in favor of previous UNGA resolutions promoting the convention’s implementation in 2015 and 2016.

Libya has voted in favor of UNGA resolutions expressing outrage at the use of cluster munitions in Syria, most recently in December 2016.[6]

Libya is not party to the Mine Ban Treaty. It is also not a party to the Convention on Conventional Weapons.

Production, transfer, and stockpiling

Libya is not known to have produced or exported cluster munitions, but it imported and stockpiles them.

The current status and composition of Libya’s stockpiled cluster munitions is not known, including information on the types, quantities, and storage locations.Portions of the stockpile of cluster munitions were seized by anti-government forces and civilians in 2011, after storage facilities at arms depots were abandoned by government forces and subjected to NATO airstrikes. There has been no systematic or coordinated stockpile destruction effort by successive interim governments or international actors.

From the use of cluster munitions in recent years, it is clear that Libya has stockpiled air-dropped bombs (RBK-series bombs containing AO-1SCh and PTAB-2.5M submunitions), ground-fired munitions (MAT-120 mortar projectiles containing submunitions), and an unidentified type of submunition contained in Grad-type 122mm surface-to-surface rockets.[7] Additionally, in the past, Jane’s Information Group listed Libya as possessing KMGU dispensers (which deploy submunitions) and RBK-500 cluster bombs.[8]

Spain confirmed transferring 1,055 MAT-120 cluster munitions containing 22,155 submunitions to Libya in 2006 and 2008.[9]

Use

Cluster Munition Monitor has not been able to independently verify and confirm recent evidence of possible cluster munition use in Libya, due in large part to a lack of independent media and local reporting from inside the country.

Evidence collected by an aviation-focused blogger indicates that the LNA forces are continuing to mount cluster munitions on its aircraft that it uses to conduct air attacks on opposition forces. A photograph published by the blogger in June 2018 shows a Soviet/Russian RBK-250–270 PTAB 2.5M cluster bomb mounted on a MiG-23 aircraft that reportedly flew sorties to southern Sebha.[10] This is the only evidence of possible use in the first half of 2018.

There were three sightings of cluster munitions affixed to Libyan aircraft in 2017, all in the first half of the year:

• A photograph reportedly taken on 4 February 2017 at Benina airbase shows at least seven RBK-series PTAB-2.5M and AO-1SCh cluster bombs lying on the tarmac. The “bombing location” is listed as “Benghazi-al-Sabri.”[11]
• Video and photographs reported taken on 3 March 2017 show a RBK-250 PTAB-2.5M being mounted on an MiG-23 aircraft of the LNA/Air Force.[12] Reportedly this aircraft then flew sorties to south of Nofaliya and in the Jufrah area.[13]
• Two videos reportedly taken at Benina airbase on 3 March 2017 show LNA technicians mounting two RBK-250 cluster bombs on two LNA aircraft that then allegedly flew sorties to Brega, Ras Lanuf, and Sidra.[14]

The forces of Khalifa Hiftar receive air support from Egypt and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which both possess cluster munitions and have not acceded to the ban convention. In November 2017, the Egyptian Army released a video of a possible cluster munition attack by the Egyptian Air Force on a convoy of trucks in Libya.[15]

Previous use in 2014–2015

Previously, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch documented the LNA use of cluster bombs in Bin Jawad on or about 9 January 2015, again on 18 December 2014, and in Sirte in December 2014 or the first quarter of 2015.[16] The Libyan Air Force admitted attacking Libya Dawn forces at both locations in early 2015, but at the time Brig. Gen. Saqr al-Jerroushi denied that forces under his command used cluster bombs.[17]

More than two-dozen states have expressed concern over or condemned new use of cluster munitions, including eight that specifically expressed concern over the evidence of new cluster munition use in Libya.[18] The UN, ICRC, and Cluster Munition Coalition (CMC) also condemned the use of cluster munitions. In March 2015, Sweden described evidence of new use of cluster munitions in Libya as a “worrisome development” and said, “Libya must join the CCM [Convention on Cluster Munitions].”[19]

In September 2016, States Parties to the Convention on Cluster Munitions issued a joint declaration stating that they “condemn any use by any actor” and expressing deep concern at “any and all allegations, reports or documented evidence of the use of cluster munitions.”[20] Previously, in September 2015, States Parties adopted the Dubrovnik Declaration, which affirms: “We are deeply concerned by any and all allegations, reports or documented evidence of the use of cluster munitions, including in Cambodia, Libya, South Sudan, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Ukraine and Yemen. We condemn any use of cluster munitions by any actor.”[21]

Previous use in 2011

Government forces loyal to Muammar Gaddafi used three different types of cluster munitions at various locations during the 2011 conflict: MAT-120 cluster munition mortar projectiles in Misrata in April, RBK-250 PTAB-2.5M cluster bombs in Ajdabiya in March, and DPICM-like submunitions delivered by 122mm cargo rockets in the Nafusa Mountains near Jadu and Zintan on an unknown date.[22] At least 10 states and the European Union expressed concern over or condemned the use of cluster munitions in Libya in 2011.[23]

There is no evidence of cluster munition use by the countries involved in the NATO military action in in Libya in 2011, including by the United States (US) and other states that have not yet joined the Convention on Cluster Munitions. In its formal response to the UN Commission of Inquiry on Libya, NATO confirmed that it did not use cluster munitions in the Libya operation.[24] However, NATO airstrikes on ammunition storage facilities created hazards when munitions stored by Libya, including cluster munitions, were ejected into the surrounding environment.[25]

Previous use before 2010

Libyan forces used air-delivered cluster munitions, likely RBK-series cluster bombs containing AO-1SCh and PTAB-2.5 submunitions, at various locations during its intervention in Chad during the 1986–1987 conflict.[26]

US Navy aircraft attacked Libyan ships using Mk.-20 Rockeye cluster bombs on 25 March 1986, while US Navy aircraft dropped 60 Rockeye bombs on Benina airfield on 14–15 April 1986.[27]

In November 2009, a commercial oil company survey crew in Libya found remnants of a German World War II-era SD-2 “butterfly bomb” (an early version of a cluster bomb) and an explosive ordnance disposal expert subsequently identified six more such cluster munition remnants.[28]

Policy

The State of Libya has not acceded to the Mine Ban Treaty.

In October 2017, a representative said that Libya “supports the concerns of the international community about the humanitarian impact of anti-personnel mines and their destruction and the fact that they hinder sustainable development. We need only look at the effects of anti-personnel mines since the Second World War. We are also well aware of the damage caused by occupation. However, the Convention does not make reference to the responsibility that occupying States bear for repairing the damage they have caused and assisting the countries they have colonized.”[1]

Previously, in October 2011, two Ministry of Foreign Affairs officials informed the ICBL that there was support for joining the Mine Ban Treaty, but that the matter must wait until the new government was established and for the legislative body to consider accession.[2] Libya’s signature of the 2013 Arms Trade Treaty on 9 July 2013 indicated that the government is ready to join international treaties.

On 4 December 2017, Libya voted in favor of United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) Resolution 72/53 supporting the universalization and implementation of the Mine Ban Treaty, which it has done consistently since 2012. Libya had previously abstained from the annual resolution, since 1998. The change came after outreach by the ICBL, including Human Rights Watch (HRW).[3]

Prior to being removed from office in 2011, the government of Muammar Gaddafi showed interest in the Mine Ban Treaty but made no effort to join it; Libyan officials often criticized the treaty and called for it to be revised.[4] On 28 April 2011, the National Transitional Council (NTC), then the opposition authority in Libya, issued a statement formally pledging that “no forces under the command and control of the [NTC] will use antipersonnel or anti-vehicle landmines.” The statement also said that “any future Libyan government should relinquish landmines and join the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty.”[5] The current, UN-recognized Government of National Accord voiced similar concerns in its 2016 Explanation of Vote.[6]

Despite not joining the Mine Ban Treaty, Libya has participated as an observer in many of the treaty’s Meetings of States Parties as well as the first and third Review Conferences.[7] Libya last attended the Fourteenth Meeting of States Parties in Geneva in November–December 2015 as an observer, but did not make any statements.

Libya is not party to the Convention on Cluster Munitions. It is also not a party to the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW).

Production, trade, and stockpiling

As the Gaddafi government progressively lost control of the country in 2011, massive weapon depots containing landmines and other munitions were abandoned by government forces and left unsecured.[8] Local and international mine action organizations have worked with Libyan authorities and the UN since mid-2011 to collect and destroy abandoned ordnance, but it is unclear how many landmines were removed by anti-government rebels, civilians, and others.

Prior to 2011, Libya consistently stated that it had never produced or exported antipersonnel mines and that it no longer stockpiled the weapon.[9] Yet abundant evidence subsequently emerged showing how Libya accumulated a stockpile of hundreds of thousands of antipersonnel and antivehicle mines under Gaddafi’s leadership, and that his forces used tens of thousands of these mines during the 2011 conflict.

In December 2016, Chinese-made Type 84 scatterable antivehicle mines appeared in Benghazi in the possession of the Libyan National Army. Mine marking indicated they were manufactured in 2009. Use of this mine was first reported in 2011. Although this mine is designed as an antivehicle mine, it is equipped with a sensitive magnetic influence fuze that can function as an anti-disturbance fuze.[10]

The post-Gaddafi government in Libya began to destroy landmine stocks in early 2012, but no information is available on the numbers or types of landmines destroyed and it is still not clear if systematic stockpile destruction efforts are being undertaken as of October 2018.[11]

Use

Landmine use by some of the many militias active in Libya has occurred from time to time since the overthrow of the Gaddafi regime. In May 2018, it was alleged that the Shura Council of the Mujahideen in Darna laid landmines while fighting forces loyal to Field Marshall Khalifa Haftar.[12] Civilians seeking food and fuel were also reported to have been killed by landmines during the conflict.[13]

It has also been alleged that the Benghazi Revolutionaries Shura Council used landmines in the areas of Benghazi they controlled prior to their defeat in December 2017.[14] A spokesman for the eastern Libyan National Army said 68 soldiers were killed and 45 injured by landmines in 2017.[15] Reports of civilian deaths and injuries continue to be reported in the local media.[16]

In August 2016, an allegation surfaced that Islamic State (IS) militants laid landmines sometime prior to being forced out of Derna in eastern Libya in mid-2015. The Monitor is not in a position to verify the allegation.[17] According to media reports, IS militants also laid landmines and victim-activated explosive devices around Sirte, including near schools and mosques.[18]

In September 2015, there was an allegation that forces of Ansar al-Sharia—an armed Salafist Islamist militia group—were responsible for a landmine incident near Benina district in Benghazi, but it was not possible to verify the circumstances of the incident or if an antipersonnel mine was responsible.[19]

Previously, in September 2014, reports emerged alleging new use of antipersonnel mines at Tripoli International Airport, which saw fighting in July–August between the Zintan alliance of militia groups and forces of the Libya Dawn Alliance.[20] A HRW investigation found that antipersonnel mines were likely laid in 2014 and not earlier, but could not determine the party responsible for the use.[21] On 29 October 2014, HRW spoke by telephone with the commander of the Misrata Revolutionaries engineering unit within the Libya Dawn Alliance, which had been responsible for clearing landmines and other unexploded ordnance in Tripoli since August. The commander said that on 24 August, the day of the airport takeover, his unit had discovered a mined area within the airport.[22] He said a pickup truck mounted with anti-aircraft weapons entered the “old airport area” and detonated a mine, killing one fighter from the Misrata Umm al-Maarek brigade, Mohamed Abubaker Ali, and wounding several others.

Previous use

HRW confirmed the use of five types of mines in six separate locations by pro-Gaddafi forces during the 2011 conflict, first in the east of the country, then in the Nafusa mountain range in the northwest, and finally around Tripoli and coastal towns in the west. This included the use of low-metal content antipersonnel mines that are particularly challenging for detection and clearance efforts, such as the Brazilian T-AB-1 mine.[23] Three types of mines were also found abandoned at three other locations.

Mine types identified in Libya during the 2011 conflict

Prior to 2011, Libya last used antipersonnel mines during its 1980–1987 war with Chad. Libya is contaminated by mines and unexploded ordnance from World War II, as well as from wars with Egypt (1977) and Chad (1980–1987). Minefields are said to exist in desert, port, and urban areas; however, no nationwide survey has ever been conducted. Previously, some facilities were protected by minefields, such as an ammunition storage area outside of Ajdabiya that HRW then confirmed was partially surrounded by a minefield marked solely by a deteriorating fence.[24]

The Libyan Mine Action Center (LibMAC) and the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) collected information on casualties. However, due to the ongoing conflict the national casualty surveillance system was not fully functional.[2] It is therefore likely that casualties went unreported. Notably, almost all the data collected from the three sources— LibMAC, UNSMIL, and the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED)—was unique. Monitor analysis showed little duplication of mine/ERW casualties reported.

The 184 casualties identified in 2017 represents a significant decrease from the 1,610 casualties reported for 2016. However, the ICRC, which provided most of the data for 2016 (1,465), did not provide information on mine/ERW casualties for 2017. It was also a decrease on the 1,004 casualties identified in 2015. Moreover, Handicap International (HI, now Humanity & Inclusion), which provided most of the data for 2015 (935 casualties), was unable to collect data in 2016.[3] The 2015 and 2016 figures are both significant increases on the 10 casualties identified in 2014. Due to the security situation, many operators were forced to leave Libya, therefore mine/ERW casualties in 2014 went largely unrecorded. In addition, some casualty data was lost. Limited data was available in 2014 and was known to be incomplete.[4] It is likely that many more casualties occurred. The previous highest annual total was recorded in 2011 when 222 mine/ERW casualties were identified.

*The total number of casualties over time in Libya is not known as many estimates predate the 2011 conflict. The Libyan Demining Association (LDA) and the Libyan Civil Defense Department had registered 1,852 mine casualties by the end of 2006.[5] Previous estimates were approximately 12,000, with the Libyan police reporting 11,845 casualties between 1940 and 1995 (6,749 killed; 5,096 injured) and the Libyan Jihad Center for Historical Studies reporting 12,258 (3,874 killed; 8,384 injured) between 1952 and 1975.[6]

Cluster munition casualties

The total number of cluster munition casualties in Libya is not known. There were no cluster munition casualties reported for 2017. Three casualties from unexploded cluster submunitions were reported in 2016. No casualties from unexploded submunitions or cluster munition attacks were reported in 2015, and one casualty from a submunition was identified in 2014. There were unconfirmed reports of unexploded submunition casualties in 2011.

It is possible that some unexploded submunition casualties were reported as mine/ERW casualties, due to a lack of disaggregated data or because it was not possible to distinguish the specific types of explosive remnants that caused those casualties.

There was no available information on cluster munition casualties during cluster munition attacks in Libya.

Libya is responsible for survivors of landmines and other types of explosive remnants of war (ERW). The total number of survivors is unknown. Outdated estimates ranged from 5,000 to 8,000 survivors through 1995.[1]

Victim assistance since 2015

In 2017, the Libyan Mine Action Centre (LibMAC) reported that the medical situation was very poor, for all hospital services, and that it had worsened since 2015. It also reported a decrease in physical rehabilitation services available.[2]

Handicap International (HI) carried out a health assessment in 2015 that surveyed 12 medical facilities in Tripoli, Gharyan, and Worshefana. The assessment documented casualties and reported on available health services. It did not specifically assess the needs of mine/ERW causalities.[3]

No victim assistance coordination or planning was possible; national and international efforts remained focused on providing immediate relief to the large numbers of war-wounded, including mine/ERW survivors, and rebuilding the health sector.

Victim assistance in 2016

Due to ongoing conflict, the civilian population struggled to access basic services such as healthcare, fuel, and electricity in 2016.[4]

Due to the political and security situation in 2016 no needs assessments were carried out and there was no victim assistance-specific coordination, active survivor or victim assistance strategy, or changes to relevant legal and policy frameworks. However, a national plan for victim assistance was developed in 2016.[5]

The situation of mine/ERW survivors and other persons injured in conflict remained critical in 2016. The escalation of violence and the rising number of wounded people strained an already weak health system. In 2017, HI reported that all persons with disabilities had insufficient access to essential services, regardless of the cause of the impairment.[6]

Assessing victim assistance needs

In May 2016, LibMAC appointed Victim Assistance Officers, who collected data and transferred the information to the database unit. However, there was no victim assistance needs assessment in 2016.[7]

Victim assistance coordination

On 1 December 2011, LibMAC was established within the Ministry of Defense to manage all mine action activities in the country.[8] Responsibility for victim assistance lay with the Ministry of Health and the MCCS.[9] The Ministry of Social Affairs was primarily responsible for physical rehabilitation in Libya, although the Ministry of Health and Ministry of Martyrs, Missing and War Wounded were also active in the field of physical rehabilitation.[10] There was no national plan for victim assistance.[11] In 2016, victim assistance was discussed at monthly mine action coordination meetings, led by UNMAS and LibMAC.[12] LibMAC reported that a national plan for victim assistance was developed in 2016, with the support of a technical advisor provided from ITF Enhancing Human Security.[13]

In July 2017, UNMAS, LibMAC, and HI facilitated a victim assistance seminar in Tunis. The aim of the seminar was not only to promote victim assistance, but also to clarify the role of each actor and elaborate a draft victim assistance strategy.[14] Following this seminar, and if funding is allocated, HI, with the support of UNMAS, will assist LibMAC and relevant ministries in finalizing the victim assistance strategy, prioritizing activities through a comprehensive action plan, and setting up a coordinated and effective approach.[15]

In 2015, Libya reported that an integrated social and economic policy in accordance with an integrated national plan that addressed the needs of persons with disabilities was necessary. The Ministry of Social Affairs is responsible for supervising and monitoring the operation of social care facilities, including centers and institutions for the education and training of persons with disabilities. The Ministry is also responsible for ensuring that those facilities and institutions work together to provide integrated services. The following specialized bodies coordinated by the Ministry of Social Affairs are responsible for the care of persons with disabilities:

• The General Authority for the Social Security Fund;
• The Centre for Training Persons with Disabilities, Benghazi;
• The Centre for Training Persons with Disabilities, Janzur;
• The National Commission for Persons with Disabilities.[16] 

Service accessibility and effectiveness

Victim assistance activities

Emergency and ongoing medical care

In 2017, the healthcare system had significantly deteriorated to the point of collapse. The already fragile health system came under increasing pressure, with hospitals struggling to absorb the number of patients and to cope with the shortage of staff, essential medicines, and supplies.[17] Only 45% of health facilities were functioning. As of October 2016, at least 274 health facilities had been damaged or destroyed.[18]

A number of injured Libyans, including soldiers, were sent abroad for medical treatment by the government, although the number of patients treated abroad and supported financially by the government decreased significantly in 2017. Persons with disabilities who needed assistive devices and wheelchairs were generally required to purchase them with private funds, or had to approach local charity organizations for support.[19]

Based on a “Rapid Assessment of Health Structures in Western Libya” report published in 2016, HI found that at least 40% of the health system was non-functional. Libya has both public and private facilities providing emergency and ongoing medical care. Overcrowding, obsolete equipment, lack of medical staff and supplies, damaged facilities, and insecurity limit the ability of the health sector to meet the needs of patients, including mine/ERW survivors. Inaccessible public buildings also hindered access to healthcare for survivors and other persons with disabilities. The majority of mine/ERW casualties were referred to the accidents and emergency section of Abu Salim Hospital in Tripoli.[20] However, the prosthetic and orthotic department of Abu Salim Hospital closed down at the end of 2016 due to a lack of resources. In spite of the lack of updated documentation, it is acknowledged among the aid community that the health situation has significantly deteriorated in 2017.[21] In 2016, only three of the seven major hospitals in Benghazi were functioning.[22]

MSF provided hospitals with medicines and trained medical staff.[23]

In 2016, the ICRC increased its emergency activities in order to respond to the rising number of wounded people.[24] Four hospitals received monthly support from the ICRC, which provided surgical supplies sufficient to treat 50 severely wounded patients, including mine injuries. The ICRC also provided ad hoc support to other hospitals. In 2016, 22 hospitals received such ad hoc support from the ICRC.[25] To respond to the influx of wounded people, between January and May 2017, 25 hospitals received ad hoc ICRC support.[26] In 2016, the ICRC trained surgeons and doctors on emergency trauma and clinical management of wounded patients. It also supported the national Red Crescent Society’s first-aid program.[27]

Physical rehabilitation, including prosthetics

There were three main rehabilitation centers in Libya: in Tripoli, Misrata, and Benghazi. In addition, some of the main trauma hospitals also offered physiotherapy services.[28] In 2016, there has been a steady decline in the availability of services. Many rehabilitation facilities closed down due to a lack of funding and/or personnel. Existing public and private services are overloaded and very costly, although the quality of services had also declined. By mid-2017 the only remaining prosthetics facility in Tripoli was unable to provide prosthetic devices due to a lack of materials and funding to purchase them resulting in a waiting list of 300 amputees needing prosthetic devices.[29]

HI provided physical therapy services to persons with disabilities and patients with conflict-related injuries, including from landmines and ERW, in Tripoli, Beni Walid, Msalata, and Tarhouna. Yet, due to the increasing demand in 2016, HI had to limit the number of assistive devices per beneficiary and focus on essential needs. As of June 2017, HI was supporting one rehabilitation center, Janzour Hospital, providing materials for prosthetics and orthotics, rehabilitation equipment, mobility aid devices, and technical training for staff.[30]

The ICRC supported the Misrata University Physical Rehabilitation Centre with prosthetics and orthotics material, as well as financial and technical assistance.[31] Although established in 2013, the Misrata University center first began to produce assistive devices in April 2016, activities having been delayed by security constraints and a lack of qualified personnel. The ICRC-supported orthopedic workshop provided services to 175 patients in 2016; eight prostheses delivered were delivered to mine/ERW survivors. The ICRC also supported orthopedic training abroad.[32] 

The health system lacked capacity in physiotherapy, prosthetics, and orthotics. Mobility aids were of low quality and many centers lacked the equipment and materials necessary to provide services. As of August 2017, the Swani rehabilitation center, located some 30 minutes from Tripoli was no longer functioning.[33] In June 2016, HI reported that the Swani rehabilitation center was the only center providing comprehensive rehabilitation in Libya. However, it was under-utilized due to its distance from Tripoli and other major towns in the Western Mountains. The distance and the poor security situation made it especially difficult for women to access the center.[34]

Three-quarters of the 13 health facilities surveyed by HI in and around Tripoli reported having physiotherapy services. However, only the University of Misrata had functioning prosthetic and orthotic services.[35]

Economic inclusion

No information was available on economic inclusion initiatives for mine/ERW survivors in 2016.

Psychological support

There is no official budget for mental health care. Health professionals identified psychosocial support training as a priority for capacity building. Strong stigma toward psychosocial disabilities and their treatment prevented some war-injured persons from accessing psychosocial support and mental health care.[36]

In 2016, there was an increase in psychosocial services provided by international NGOs. However, local capacities were not sufficient to meet the needs, and the shortage of medication to address the issue remained a significant constraint to the adequacy of services.[37]

HI provided psychosocial support services to persons with disabilities and patients with conflict-related injuries, including from mines/ERW. In March 2017, HI organized a psychosocial support training for local organizations such as CESVI and local NGOs.[38]

Laws and policies

It was reported that Law No. 5 of 1987, on persons with disabilities, remained in effect. The law provides for persons with disabilities rights to shelter; subsidized housing services; reimbursable assistive equipment; education; therapy or rehabilitation; suitable work for those who have received rehabilitation; follow-up for those who are working; tax relief for the self-employed; access to facilities for the use of public transport; customs exemptions for items that they must import because of their disabilities; and facilitated access to public spaces.[39]

The 2011 Constitutional Declaration addresses the rights of persons with disabilities and requires the state to provide monetary and other types of social assistance, but does not explicitly prohibit discrimination. In 2016, the government did not effectively enforce these provisions. Few public buildings were accessible to persons with disabilities, resulting in restricted access to employment, education, and healthcare.[40] The draft constitution of April 2016 includes a specific article (Article 69) on the rights of persons with disabilities. The article commits Libya to guaranteeing the health, social, educational, economic, political, sports, and entertainment rights of persons with disability on an equal basis with others and to make facilities accessible. The draft constitution also prohibits discrimination against persons with disabilities.[41] However, Libya’s Constitution Drafting Assembly failed to finalize a preliminary draft constitution in 2016.[42]

Article 1 of Law 4 of 2013, related to persons with disabilities “from the liberation battle,” created a new category of persons with disability for those who sustained permanent impairments while fighting for the 2011 uprising and against the previous regime and also for those persons who sustained injuries as civilians from attacks by that regime. This new category received more benefits as compared to other persons with disabilities. The NGO Lawyers for Justice in Libya noted that the disparity “highlights inequality in the treatment of people with disabilities as well as discriminating between them on the basis of political association.”[43]

Libya signed the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) on 1 May 2008. In 2015, on the occasion of Libya’s human rights Universal Periodic Review, it was reported that persons with disabilities in Libya had experienced “little to no progress in relation to their rights and treatment” since the previous review. Libya has taken few practical steps to integrate persons with disabilities into society, to improve education materials, or to adopt measures to reduce costs and thereby make transportation or education more affordable for persons with disabilities.[44]

In 2017, Libya received US$26.5 million in international assistance from nine donors.[1] Support to Libya more than tripled from 2016. This was mainly due to the increase in the United States (US) contribution ($16 million provided in 2017 compared to $2.5 million in 2016) in order to build the operational capacity to dispose of improvised explosive devices and to support clearance operations in Sirte, as well as to contribute to the development of the mine action center. Libya also received significant contributions from the European Union (EU) and Germany, both providing more than $3.5 million each.

In addition to financial support, two donors—Switzerland (valued at CHF200,000/$203,211) and the United Kingdom (valued at £3 million /$3.9 million)—provided in-kind assistance to support clearance activities in Libya.[2]

International contributions: 2017[3]

Note: N/A = not applicable.

Since 2013, Libya has received more than $65 million in international assistance for mine action, two-fifths of which were provided in 2017 alone.

Summary of international contribution: 2013–2017[4]