Landmine Monitor 2023

Support for Mine Action

Jump to a specific section of the chapter:

Intl Contributions | Ntl Contributions | OAP and support for Mine Action | Five-Year Support

 

Article 6 of the Mine Ban Treaty recognizes the right of each State Party to seek and receive assistance from other States Parties in order to fulfill its treaty obligations. This provision on international cooperation and assistance has been crucial in supporting the implementation of the Mine Ban Treaty. This chapter examines the financial response provided in 2022 by affected countries and international donors to support mine action efforts.

In 2022, global support for mine action increased by 52% (US$314.5 million) from 2021, with 35 donors and 17 affected states reporting a total of $913.5 million in international and national support for mine action.[1] This is the highest level of annual funding recorded by the Monitor since it began reporting in 1999. Funding previously peaked at $696.3 million in 2017.[2]

International support to mine action totaled $798.4 million in 2022. Of this, $162.3 million went to activities in Ukraine, representing 20% of the total. The remaining $636.1 million still represents a 17% increase from the $543.5 million received in 2021.

There were some changes in the donor base in 2022, with the addition of Saudi Arabia after it reported providing mine action funding for the first time since 2014. However, as in past years, a small group of donors continued to provide the majority of international mine action support. The United States (US) remained the largest mine action donor, followed by the European Union (EU), with both significantly increasing their contributions in 2022. Some traditionally strong mine action funders reduced their contributions, notably the United Kingdom (UK), which decreased spending in 2022 by 35% from its 2021 contribution.[3] States Parties provided less than half of all international support ($328 million, or 41%).

Ukraine moved to the top of the list of countries receiving mine action assistance following large-scale support provided to the country following Russia’s invasion in February 2022. Yemen also climbed the list, partly due to Saudi Arabia’s $33 million contribution to fund mine clearance in Yemen through the King Salaman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center.

The top 10 recipients of mine action contributions received $580.6 million and accounted for 73% of all international assistance in 2022. Iraq and Lao PDR, while remaining among the top 10 recipient states, both experienced a decrease in mine action funding.

Most funding provided by donors in 2022 was spent on clearance and integrated clearance programs ($499.5 million, or 63% of total contributions). Integrated clearance programs included activities such as risk education, victim assistance, and capacity-building, although clearance accounted for the largest component of spending. A large proportion of clearance funding ($194.2 million, or 39%) went to States Parties with massive contamination (more than 100km²). Of the 12 States Parties with less than 5km2 of contamination, only five received funds for clearance, with two receiving 90% of the total (Colombia and Somalia). Funding contributions for dedicated risk education and victim assistance increased in 2022, but represented only 1% and 5% respectively of overall funding. Support for capacity-building increased in 2022 ($71.6 million, or 9% of total contributions), boosted by EU funding to support national mine action capacity in Ukraine. The remaining 22% of funding ($179.5 million) was either not disaggregated by donors, unearmarked, or used for capacity-building and advocacy.

Multilateral organizations, international non-profit organizations, and United Nations (UN) agencies received most of the funding in 2022. International assistance to international non-profit organizations accounted for 37% of total funding with at least $295 million received. By comparison, international assistance provided directly to national non-profit organizations accounted for less than 1% ($3.4 million) of total funding during 2022.

The Monitor identified 17 affected states that provided a total of $115.1 million in contributions to their own national mine action programs, representing 13% of global funding. Tracking national financial commitments by affected States Parties remains challenging as a result of under-reporting. Few States Parties report national funding in their annual Article 7 reports.[4]

International Contributions in 2022

International donors provided $798.4 million in 2022, a significant increase of $254.9 million (or 47%) from contributions in 2021. Of this, $162.3 million went to activities in Ukraine, representing 20% of the total. The remaining $636.1 million still represents a 17% increase from the $543.5 million received in 2021. The increase in international support to mine action in 2022 marks a positive change from the downward trajectory in annual mine action spending by international donors over the previous four years.

In 2022, as has been the case for the past two decades, the donor base remained largely unchanged, with the exception that Saudi Arabia was included within the pool of the 15 largest donors. The 15 largest donors provided almost all international mine action funding in 2022, with a combined total of $774.9 million (97% of all support).[5] This represents an increase of 48% from the $524.5 million provided by the 15 largest donors in 2021.

The list of countries receiving international mine action support shifted to some extent in 2022. Ukraine moved to the top of the list of the top 10 recipients, reflecting the large-scale support provided to the country after Russia’s February 2022 invasion. Libya and Yemen moved into the list of the top 10 recipients in 2022, while Lebanon and Sri Lanka moved out of the top 10. The 10 largest receipients received $580.6 million and accounted for 73% of all international assistance. Since 2018, only 14 countries have appeared in this group of largest recipients, with six of them present every year over the five-year period: Afghanistan, Cambodia, Colombia, Iraq, Lao PDR, and Syria.[6]

 Support 2013-2022

                                Note: Totals not adjusted for inflation.

Donors

In 2022, 26 States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty, four states not party, one other area, the EU, and four other institutions contributed a total of $798.4 million to mine action.

As in past years, a handful of donors provided the bulk of the international mine action support. Five donors—the US, the EU, Germany, Japan, and Norway,—accounted for 76% of all international support in 2022, providing a combined total of $603.2 million.

In 2022, the US remained the largest mine action donor with a total contribution of $310.2 million, representing 39% of all international support. The EU ranked second, with $124.2 million, accounting for 15% of contributions. Both the US and EU contributions represented a significant increase from 2021—a respective 59% increase for the US and 229% for the EU. Germany provided the third-largest contribution of $78.8 million (10% of all support). Japan provided $45.3 million and Norway $44.6 million, each representing 6% of all support.

The UK, previously among the top five donors in 2021, dropped to eighth on the list, providing $24.7 million. This represents a decrease of 35% from the $38.2 million provided in 2021.[7]

Despite variations in the level of support provided, the proportion of total assistance from the top five donors each year has remained constant over time. From 2018–2022, the combined annual contributions from the five major donors accounted for 70–78% of all international support. Only five countries—Germany, Japan, Norway, the UK, and the US—and the EU appeared in the group of five largest donors of international support in 2018–2022.

Support from States Parties in 2022 accounted for less than half (41%) of all donor funding, with 26 countries providing $328 million. This represents a 6% increase from the $310 million provided in 2021. States not party the US, Saudi Arabia, and South Korea accounted for $345 million or 43% of all donor funding.[8]

Contributions by donors: 2018–2022[9]

Donor

Contribution (US$ million)

2022

2021

2020

2019

2018

Total

US

310.2

194.5

204.8

177.4

201.7

1,088.6

EU

124.2

37.8

89.8

76.0

108.1

435.9

Germany

78.8

64.8

54.3

38.6

42.5

279

Japan

45.3

42.3

39.8

36.9

37.2

201.5

Norway

44.7

35.5

37.4

43.0

47.7

208.3

Saudi Arabia

33.3

0

0

0

0

33.3

Netherlands

25.0

21.5

12.7

14.9

19.4

93.5

UK

24.7

38.2

32.3

71.7

58.1

225

Canada

22.6

16.3

8.4

8.7

11.3

67.3

Switzerland

19.7

15.2

15.4

14.8

15.0

80.1

Sweden

12.5

14.3

9.1

8.8

18.6

63.3

France

10.9

9.6

8.5

5.3

12.7

47

Denmark

10.3

14.8

13.8

17.6

23.4

79.9

Italy

8.1

5.4

4.8

5.1

4.3

27.7

New Zealand

4.7

9.9

8.1

9.1

9.2

41

Ireland

3.6

3.7

3.8

3.7

3.9

18.7

Austria

3.3

3.5

2.3

2.0

1.8

12.9

Finland

3.2

3.7

3.3

3.4

3.2

16.8

Australia

3.1

4.4

6.5

10.8

7.8

32.6

Belgium

3.0

3.5

4.5

4.3

3.3

18.6

Luxembourg

2.3

1.5

1.3

1.3

1.4

7.8

Slovenia

1.6

0.8

0.7

1.0

0.6

4.7

South Korea

1.6

0.3

0.5

1.7

2.0

6.1

Other donors*

1.7

2

3.1

5.2

9.4

21.4

Total

798.4

543.5

565.2

561.3

642.6

3,111

                 Note: States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty are indicated in bold.

*Other donors in 2022 included: Andorra, Czech Republic, Estonia, Jersey, Liechtenstein, Poland, Slovakia, Spain, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Multi-Partner Trust Fund (UNMPTF), and the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS).

Overall, 14 donors contributed more in 2022 than they did in 2021, including a $115.7 million increase from the US (59%) and a $86.4 million increase from the EU (229%). This brought the EU contribution back to above its 2020 level of contribution, following a $52 million (58%) decrease in 2021. Germany also increased its contribution by $14 million (22%), Norway by $9.1 million (26%), and Canada by $6.3 million (39%). Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, and Switzerland also increased their contributions in 2022. It is likely that South Korea contributed more funding to mine action in 2022, although this was not recorded for the calendar year.[10]

Three donors provided new funding in 2022: Jersey, through Jersey Overseas Aid, the United Nations Multi-Partner Trust Fund (UNMPTF), and the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS). Mine action funding from Saudi Arabia was recorded for the first time since 2014.

In 2022, 16 donors decreased their funding, with New Zealand down $5.2 million (53%) and the UK down $13.5 million (35%) from their 2021 contributions. Contributions were also reduced from Denmark (down $4.5 million, or 31%), Sweden (down $1.8 million, or 13%), and Australia (down $1.3 million, or 28%).[11]

Estonia provided the same contribution as in 2021. One donor, the United Nations Association-Sweden (UNA-Sweden), did not report any new contribution to mine action in 2022.

Summary of changes in 2022

Change

Donors

Combined total (US$)

Increase of more than 20%

 

Andorra, Canada, EU, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Norway, Slovenia, South Korea, Switzerland, US

$241.5 million increase

Increase of less than 20%

France, Japan, Netherlands

$7.8 million increase

Decrease of more than 20%

Australia, Czech Republic, Denmark, New Zealand, Spain, UK, UNDP

$25 million decrease

Decrease of less than 20%

Austria, Belgium, Finland, Ireland, Liechtenstein, Poland, Slovakia, Sweden, UNICEF

$3.3 million decrease

New donors in 2022

Jersey, UNMPTF, UNOPS

$0.5 million provided in 2022

Newly reported in 2022

Saudi Arabia

$33.3 million provided in 2022

Donors from 2021 that did not report new funding in 2022

UNA-Sweden

$0.03 million provided in 2021

Note: UNDP=United Nations Development Programme; UNMPTF=United Nations Multi-Partner Trust Fund; UNOPS=United Nations Office for Project Services; UNA-Sweden=United Nations Association-Sweden.

Funding paths

Donors contributed to mine action through several trust fund mechanisms, notably the United Nations Voluntary Trust Fund for Assistance in Mine Action (VTF), administered by the United Nations Mine Action Service (UNMAS) and ITF Enhancing Human Security. The VTF was established by the government of Slovenia and formerly known as the International Trust Fund.

In 2022, UNMAS received $50.6 million in contributions from 23 donors. Several donors providing financial assistance of under $1 million used the VTF to contribute to mine action, including Estonia, Liechtenstein, Poland, and Spain, as well as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), UNMPTF, and UNOPS.

Six donor states reported allocating a combined total of $5.6 million for mine action programs in 2022 through ITF Enhancing Human Security.[12]

While donor funding is frequently used for national activities, implementation is often carried out by an array of partner institutions, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), trust funds, and UN agencies.

The implementing partners landscape has remained largely unchanged in recent years, with multilateral organizations, international non-profit oganizations, and UN agencies receiving most of the funding. Overall, international assistance to international non-profit organizations accounted for 37% of total funding during 2022, with at least $295 million received.[13]

Organizations that received a significant proportion of contributions in 2022 included the HALO Trust ($64.6 million), Norwegian People’s Aid (NPA) ($34.4 million), the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and national Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies ($29.4 million), Mines Advisory Group (MAG) ($28.6 million), Humanity & Inclusion (HI) ($21.4 million), the Danish Refugee Council ($19.2 million), and the Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining (GICHD) ($14.1 million).

International assistance provided directly to national non-profit organizations accounted for less than 1% ($3.4 million) of total funding during 2022, with four donors supporting organizations in Angola, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), Colombia, Lao PDR, and Sri Lanka.[14] Other funding went to national non-profit organizations in Afghanistan, BiH, Colombia, and Sri Lanka, but these figures were not disaggregated so the specific amounts could not be recorded.[15]

Allocation of mine action support across implementing partners in 2022 (in US$ million)[16]

Support_Implementing partners 

Recipients

A total of 46 states and four other areas received $726.8 million from 32 donors in 2022. In addition, $5.6 million went to regional programs including in West Africa, East Africa, the Sahel, the Middle East, and Europe. Another $66 million, designated as “global” in the table below, was provided to institutions, NGOs, trust funds, and UN agencies without a designated recipient state or area. Three donors—Andorra, Estonia, and Liechtenstein—only reported contributions to “global” activities.

As in previous years, a small number of countries received the majority of funding.[17] The top five recipient states—Ukraine, Iraq, Afghanistan, Yemen, and Lao PDR—received $434.1 million, or 54% of the total.

From 2016 until 2021, Iraq was the largest recipient of mine action assistance. In 2022, Ukraine became the largest recipient, receiving 20% of all international support from 17 donors, while Iraq received 11% of all international support from 14 donors. Thirteen states and two other areas had only one donor each.[18]

List of international support recipients in 2022

Recipients

Amount

(US$ million)

Recipients

Amount

(US$ million)

Ukraine

162.3

Sudan

2.0

Iraq

89.6

Mauritania

1.8

Afghanistan

66.4

Kosovo

1.5

Yemen

64.4

Nigeria

1.4

Lao PDR*

51.4

Niger

1.1

Cambodia

37.7

Ethiopia

1.0

Colombia

35.4

Pakistan

0.9

Syria

33.7

Palau

0.8

Vietnam

22.2

Benin

0.8

Libya

17.5

Senegal

0.8

Sri Lanka

17.5

Solomon Islands

0.7

Somalia

12.7

Nagorno-Karabakh

0.7

Angola

12.0

Armenia

0.7

Azerbaijan

10.4

Philippines

0.6

South Sudan

10.0

Cameroon

0.5

Türkiye

10.0

Rwanda

0.5

Lebanon*

9.6

Jordan

0.5

Zimbabwe

9.3

Abkhazia

0.3

BiH

7.7

Georgia

0.2

Croatia

5.8

Western Sahara

0.2

Myanmar

5.1

Serbia

0.1

DRC

4.0

Chad

˂0.1

Palestine

3.9

Moldova

˂0.1

Tajikistan

3.3

Sub-total

726.8

Thailand

3.0

Regional

5.6

Burkina Faso

2.4

Global

66.0

Mali

2.3

Total

798.4

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Note: States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty are indicated in bold; other areas are indicated in italics.

*Lao PDR and Lebanon are States Parties to the Convention on Cluster Munitions.

In 2022, a total of 31 recipient states and areas experienced a change of more than 20% in funding compared to 2021, including 21 that received more support and 10 that received less support. Two recipients from 2021 received no support in 2022: Nepal and Somaliland.[19] Five receipients that did not receive support in 2021 received support in 2022: Cameroon, Mauritania, Moldova, the Philippines, and Rwanda. Funding for the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) remained the same as in 2021.

Ukraine received a large increase in funding in 2022, receiving just over $141 million more than in 2021. This was primarly due to many donors directing funds to Ukraine after Russia’s invasion in February 2022. Other affected countries with a significant increase in international assistance received were Afghanistan ($16.9 million more), Azerbaijan ($9 million more), Libya ($7.5 million more), Syria ($9.5 million more), Thailand ($2.4 million more), and Yemen ($56 million more). Yemen’s increase was in large part due to the reporting by Saudi Arabia of its financial contribution, but even without the $33.3 million that this represented, Yemen still received another $31.1 million in 2022, an increase of $22.7 million from the $8.4 million received in 2021. Syria saw its mine action funding increase for the first time in three years, by $9.5 million, following decreases in 2021 (down $1.9 million), 2020 (down $16.4 million), and 2019 (down $24.2 million).

Iraq and Lebanon saw a decrease in funding in 2022. Iraq received $5.9 million less than in 2021, while Lebanon received $3.6 million less. BiH, Lao PDR, Myanmar, and South Sudan also saw decreases in funding in 2022: BiH received $1.9 million less than in 2021, Lao PDR received $2.4 million less, Myanmar received $1 million less, and South Sudan received $2 million less.

Summary of changes in 2022

Change

Recipients

Combined total (US$)

Increase of more than 20%

 

Afghanistan, Angola, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Georgia, Jordan, Kosovo, Libya, Mali, Niger, Pakistan, Palestine, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Thailand, Ukraine, Western Sahara, Yemen

$256.3 million increase

Increase of less than 20%

Cambodia, Colombia, Vietnam, Zimbabwe

$5.7 million increase

Decrease of more than 20%

Abkhazia, Benin, BiH, Chad, Lebanon, Nagorno-Karabakh, Nigeria, Palau, Serbia, Tajikistan

$9.5 million decrease

Decrease of less than 20%

Croatia, Iraq, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Senegal, Solomon Islands, South Sudan, Sri Lanka, Türkiye

$13.9 million decrease

Recipients from 2021 that did not receive new support in 2022

Nepal, Somaliland

$2.4 million received in 2021

New recipients in 2022

Cameroon, Mauritania, Moldova, Philippines, Rwanda

$3.4 million received in 2022

Funding by thematic sector

In 2022, 63% of international mine action funding supported clearance and integrated clearance programs. Capacity-building programs represented 9% of all international mine action support, while victim assistance represented 5% and risk education represented 1%. Contributions for advocacy accounted for less than 1% of funding. “Various” funding represented 22% of all international mine action support. This includes contributions not disaggregated by donors, as well as funding not earmarked for any particular sector.

Contributions by thematic sector in 2022[20]

Sector

Total contribution

(US$ million)

% of total contribution

No. of donors

Clearance and integrated clearance programs

499.5

63%

27

Various

175.4

22%

12

Capacity-building

71.6

9%

20

Victim assistance

37.6

5%

14

Risk education

10.1

1%

13

Advocacy

4.2

<1%

8

Total

798.4

100%

N/A

 Note: N/A=not applicable.

Clearance and integrated clearance programs

In 2022, $499.5 million, or more than half (63%) of all support went toward clearance and integrated clearance programs, which include clearance combined with risk education, victim assistance, capacity-building, and other activities such as information management and gender mainstreaming. This represents an increase of almost $182 million (or 57%) from 2021.

A total of 27 donors reported contributions to clearance and integrated clearance programs in 2022. Five donors—the EU, Germany, Norway, Saudi Arabia, and the US—provided the majority ($376.9 million, or 75%), with the US contributing over half of this amount ($203 million).   

Many donors reported clearance with other activities as a combined figure. Contributions for clearance and integrated clearance programs were provided across 33 affected countries and four other areas.[21] Eighteen donors indicated contributions specifically for clearance activities, providing a total of $120.1 million (15% of total contributions).[22]

About $194.2 million (39%) of international support for clearance and integrated clearance programs was spent in seven States Parties with massive landmine contamination.[23] As illustrated in the graph, States Parties with smaller contamination have tended to receive less financial support to implement their clearance obligations, although could potentially complete clearance within a few years with targeted funding.[24] Of the 12 States Parties with less than 5km² of landmine contamination, only five—Colombia, the DRC, Palestine, Senegal, and Somalia—received funds for clearance in 2022, with Colombia and Somalia receiving 90% ($42.2 million) of the total $47.1 million (Colombia received $30.7 million and Somalia $11.5 million).

Ten mine-affected States Parties did not receive new external support to carry out clearance or integrated clearance projects in 2022. For some of them, this has been the case for years.[25]

Clearance support by extent of mine contamination in States Parties: 2020–2022[26]

Support_Extent of contamination 

Risk education

In 2022, thirteen donors reported contributions totaling $10.1 million for risk education projects across 15 states and one other area, and at a global and regional level.[27] Some of the projects were combined with risk education capacity-building or gender mainstreaming.[28] Denmark, Germany, Japan, and the UK provided the largest contributions to risk education dedicated support, with a combined contribution of $7.2 million (71% of the total).

Recipients of risk education dedicated support: 2022[29]

Recipient

Amount

(US$ million)

Recipient

Amount

(US$ million)

Yemen

1.8

Libya

0.1

Ukraine

1.4

Nigeria

0.1

Palestine

1.4

Afghanistan

˃0.1

Myanmar

1.3

Western Sahara

˃0.1

Pakistan

0.9

Lao PDR*

˃0.1

Colombia

0.5

Mali

˃0.1

Iraq

0.4

Global

0.2

Ethiopia

0.2

Regional

1.4

Syria

0.2

 

 

Jordan

0.1

Total

10.1

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Note: States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty are indicated in bold and other areas in itallics.

*Lao PDR is a State Party to the Convention on Cluster Munitions.

Clearance and risk education support: 2018–2022

Between 2018 and 2022, approximately two-thirds of international support went to clearance (including integrated clearance projects) and risk education activities (62%, or $1.9 billion). Risk education-specific funding represented just 1.5% of all dedicated support, totaling $48.7 million. However, this is a significant increase on the $27.3 million for risk education recorded in the previous five-year period from 2013–2017. The increase may be due to better disaggregation of funding data, the renewed focus on this life-saving pillar of mine action since 2019, and the increased need for risk education for populations in conflict-affected areas.

 

Support_Clearance and EORE funding 

Victim assistance

Based on data available as of October 2023, direct international support for victim assistance activities in 2022 totaled $37.6 million, an increase of 47% from the 2021 figure of $25.6 million. While this represents a welcome increase as a proportion of all international support, the contribution to victim assistance, at 5% of total contributions, remains within the 4–8% range observed since 2017. Fourteen donors reported contributing to victim assistance projects in fourteen States Parties, six states not party, and one other area.[30] The EU was the largest contributor to victim assistance in 2022, providing $11.7 million, or 31% of the total. Germany, Japan, and Italy also provided large contributions to victim assistance, with a combined total of $20.7 million, or 55% of the total. It is likely that state not party South Korea contributed more to victim assistance programs in Southeast Asia, although the annual funding figures for 2022 were not recorded.[31]

 VA support

Most mine-affected countries did not receive any direct international support for victim assistance. As observed in 2018–2021, a large proportion of the victim assistance contributions in 2022 resulted from support within the context of emergency operations in conflict-affected countries in the Middle East. During 2022, half of all victim assistance support went to three countries—Afghanistan, Syria, and Yemen—receiving a combined total of $18.9 million.

The remaining $18.7 million went to victim assistance activities in 16 other countries (including eleven States Parties) and one other area, and to activities at a global level.

As in previous years, a large number of States Parties in which there were significant numbers of mine/ERW victims received little or no victim assistance support, despite needs remaining great and available resources limited. Of the 37 States Parties identified at the Twentieth Meeting of States Parties in 2022 to have landmine victims in areas under their jurisdiction or control, only nine received dedicated victim assistance support. Five others were reported to have received victim assistance contributions as part of integrated clearance programs.[32]

Funding for victim assistance remains difficult to track, as many donors report that they support victims via more general programs for development and the rights of persons with disabilities, and are not able to detail specific victim assistance funding. However, the Monitor’s annual estimate still provides an informative picture of the global victim assistance funding situation.

Advocacy and capacity-building

In 2022, just 1% of all reported support for mine action went toward advocacy activities ($4.2 million).[33] Of the 35 donors reporting international contributions to mine action, eight reported supporting advocacy activities.[34]

Twenty donors collectively provided $71.6 million—representing 9% of international support in 2022—for capacity-building activities in 19 countries, and at a regional and global level.[35] This is a 249% increase from the level of funding for capacity-building reported in 2021 ($20.5 million) and almost ten times the 2019 level ($7.4 million). It is the highest annual total support allocated to this sector ever recorded by the Monitor. While the increase reflects better reporting on capacity-building initiatives and a growing interest from donors in strengthening local capacity for effective and sustainable mine action, in 2022 it was also driven by the need to support the Ukranian authorities to enhance their mine action capabilities.[36]

Ukraine received the highest portion of recorded international funding for capacity-building in 2022, with $28 million (39% of the total contribution). The EU was the largest donor to capacity-building in Ukraine, allocating $25 million, or 89% of the overall support to Ukraine. Cambodia received $18.6 million (26% of international capacity-building support), which was allocated by Japan through the Japan Mine Action Service (JMAS).

 Support_Advocacy support

National Contributions in 2022

National contributions to mine action continue to be under-reported. Few States Parties report national funding in their annual Article 7 transparency reports. As in previous years, a dozen affected states indicated contributing to their own national mine action programs, but details on their level of contribution were either unavailable or only partially available. In most of these states, national contributions were limited to covering the running costs of their respective mine action authorities.

In 2022, the Monitor found that at least 17 affected states provided a combined total of $115.1 million in contributions to mine action from their national budgets.[37]

National support: 2022

State

Contribution (US$ million)

Germany*

33.8

Türkiye

13.8

Colombia

25.0

Cambodia

10.1

BiH

8.8

Lebanon*

9.0

Thailand

7.2

Iraq

3.9

Peru

0.8

Serbia

0.6

Sudan

0.5

Tajikistan

0.5

Zimbabwe

0.5

Chad

0.4

Mauritania

0.1

Guinea-Bissau

0.04

Lao PDR*

0.02

Total

115.1

Note: States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty are indicated in bold.

*Germany, Lao PDR, and Lebanon are States Party to the Convention on Cluster Munitions.

Angola did not provide any information on its national contribution for 2022, although it financially supports the National Agency for Action Against Mines (Agência Nacional de Acção contra Minas, ANAM). The government of Angola is also the largest donor to the HALO Trust program in the country, financially supporting clearance in protected areas along the Okavango Delta, in Cuando Cubango province.[38]

Cambodia reported a national contribution of $10.1 million in 2022, of which $75,000 was a contribution to the UNDP Clearing for Results program.[39] During 2022, Cambodia raised funds through the Mine-Free Village program, and via a funding appeal to the private sector backed by then-Prime Minister Hun Sen. Cambodia stated that it will contribute $30 million towards its mine clearance efforts in 2023, and similar amounts annually in 2024 and 2025.[40]

Croatia reported that its national contribution in 2022 represented 68% of the total mine action budget for the country, though it did not report the amount.[41] In 2021, Croatia reported a state contribution of $15 million.

Germany has been funding clearance of cluster munition remnants from a former military training area in Wittstock, spending a total of €89.1 million ($93.9 million) since 2017.[42]

As in 2020–2021, Lebanon was unable to allocate national resources to conduct clearance operations as planned in 2022 due to political instability and the national economic crisis. The government contribution of $9 million supported the operations of the Lebanon Mine Action Center (LMAC), and risk education and victim assistance training of trainers programs.[43]

Somalia remained reliant on international funding for mine action due to a lack of government budget.[44] Yemen reported a significant decrease in the annual state commitment of $3 million to its mine action program, with the ongoing armed conflict placing a strain on finances. Yemen Mine Action Center (YEMAC) staff were reported to have been paid intermittently, and had no insurance or pension plan.[45]

Oslo Action Plan and Support for Mine Action

At the Oslo Review Conference in November 2019, States Parties reaffirmed their commitment to complete their respective time-bound obligations by 2025, and to ensure sustainable and integrated support for victims. The Oslo Action Plan contains six action points along with a series of specific indicators, aimed at tracking progress toward enhancing international cooperation and assistance. These indicators include, among others: the level of national funding; the provision of assistance by States Parties; regular reporting on challenges and needs for assistance; the existence of coordinating mechanisms; and the facilitation of dialogue and information exchange among affected states, the donor community, and relevant stakeholders. A number of these points are tracked by the Monitor.

In terms of the provision of assistance by and to States Parties, in the last decade, a total of 32 States Parties reported contributing some $1.9 billion in mine action support to 49 affected States Parties. In 2022, a total of 22 States Parties provided $216.8 million in mine action support to 31 States Parties. This represents a 10% increase from the $196.3 million provided by and to States Parties in 2021, and it is the first time that funding has risen above $200 million since 2019.[46] However, it represents a decrease in the proportion of overall mine action funding, representing 27% of the total (down from 36% in 2021). The need to secure adequate resources for the effective and timely implementation of the Mine Ban Treaty’s obligations remains of the upmost importance.

Cumulative figures remain just one aspect of the story. The distribution of support among affected states and territories, as well as the sustainability of assistance, are also key factors.

 SP support 2012-2022

Tracking national financial commitments by affected States Parties has proven more difficult as a result of under-reporting. Since 2010, the Monitor has recorded a total of $1.8 billion provided by affected states to their own mine action efforts.[47]

In 2022, of the 33 States Parties with Article 5 obligations, 14 reported on their financial contributions.[48] Reported national support had remained below $100 million annually for six consecutive years, before rising to $115.1 million in 2022. Affected states do not all provide the same level of information regarding national resources allocated to mine action activities, and some have never done so.

Five-Year Support to Mine Action 2018–2022

Over the past five years (2018–2022), total support to mine action amounted to $3.5 billion, an average of $700 million per year. This is $400 million more than the total support provided in the previous five-year period from 2013–2017, constituting a 13% increase.[49]

Although data on national support for mine action remains incomplete, such support accounted for at least 11% of mine action funding from 2018–2022, totaling approximately $395 million. International support over the period totaled $3.1 billion, averaging some $620 million per year and representing 89% of all support.

From 2018–2022, the US contributed 1.1 billion, representing 35% of all international support during the five-year period. Together with the EU ($435.8 million) and Germany ($279.1 million), these three donors contributed $1.8 billion, or more than half of total international support (58%). Three other donors—the UK, Japan, and Norway—contributed more than $200 million each; while Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland ranked among the top 10 mine action donors during the five-year period.

Support from States Parties accounted for almost half (49%) of all international funding provided in 2018–2022, with a combined contribution of $1.5 billion.[50] In percentage terms, this is similar to support from States Parties in 2013–2017, when $1.2 billion was provided, representing 53% of all international funding during the period.

This shows that historically, States Parties have been a stable and consistent contributor to mine action, despite variations in budget allocations and changes in situations or contexts observed over the past decade. One of the main challenges to improve efficiency in international support remains greater coordination among donors for a better geographical distribution of financial resources, in order to address both legacy and new contamination, as well as all sectors of mine action, from clearance to risk education and victim assistance.

 National and Intl support 2018-2022

  

While there has been an overall increase in support provided in 2018–2022 compared to the previous five-year period, in 2018 and 2019 international support declined, before flatlining in 2020 and 2021. This was due to some donors reducing funding contributions (the UK and Australia), while others increased support (the US and Germany). The COVID-19 pandemic impacted mine action operations on the ground, yet globally there were very few reported instances of major diversion of mine action funding to address COVID-19 issues.  The increase in support seen in 2022 was largely driven by the large contributions from the US and the EU, with a combined total increase of $202 million. New Saudi Arabian funding for mine action was also reported in 2022, while overall national contributions to mine action increased.

Summary of changes: top 10 recipients of mine action support

Recipient

2018–2022 contributions

(US$ million)

2018–2022

ranking

2013–2017 contributions

(US$ million)

2013–2017

  ranking

% change from the previous five-year period

Iraq

501.7

1

386.5

1

+30%

Afghanistan

289.4

2

273.8

2

+6%

Lao PDR*

258.4

3

174.8

3

+48%

Ukraine

232.3

4

35.3

17

+558%

Syria

193.2

5

128.4

6

+50%

Colombia

168.6

6

130.8

5

+29%

Cambodia

138.8

7

140.3

4

-1%

Yemen

118.0

8

23.6

19

+400%

Croatia

117.3

9

65.5

7

+79%

Vietnam

100.3

10

56.5

11

+77%

Total

2,118

N/A

1,415.5

N/A

+49%

Note: States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty are indicated in bold; N/A=not applicable.

*Lao PDR is a State Party to the Convention on Cluster Munitions.

In 2018–2022, the 10 largest recipients of mine action support received the majority of available funding, totaling over $2 billion; this represents, on average, more than two-thirds (68%) of total international contributions annually. Of these 10 recipient states, three are in the Middle East and North Africa region, four in the Asia-Pacific, two in Europe, and one in the Americas.

No country from Sub-Saharan Africa was among the top 10 recipients. Two affected states from Sub-Saharan Africa were among the 15 largest recipients of mine action support in 2018–2022: Somalia ranked fourteenth ($58.5 million) and Angola ranked fifteenth ($54.9 million).

From 2018 to 2022, the composition of the top 10 group of recipients remained relatively similar from one year to another. There were some variations in the contributions received by each recipient from one year to the next, illustrating changes in circumstances globally and/or nationally, as well as shifts in funding approaches, priorities, and focus. Overall, the top 10 recipients saw a collective increase in funding in 2018–2022 compared to the previous five-year period from 2013–2017, with support for Ukraine and Yemen rising significantly. Only Cambodia saw a slight decrease in funding compared to the previous five-year period.



[1] Mine action support includes funding specifically related to landmines, cluster munitions, explosive remnants of war (ERW), and improvised explosive devices (IEDs), but is rarely disaggregated as such. State reporting on contributions is varied in the level of detail and some utilize the fiscal year rather than the calendar year. In 2022, 14 of the 25 States Parties documented in this chapter reported disaggregated data on international funding for mine action in their Mine Ban Treaty Article 7 reports. Two reported fiscal year funding and two reported multi-year funding.

[2] All dollar values presented in this chapter are expressed in current US dollars. Annual reported contributions for the period from 1997 to 2006 may be conservative, due to variations in the level of detail provided by donors and/or time periods considered.

[3] Data on international support for mine action is based on reviews of Mine Ban Treaty Article 7 reports, Convention on Cluster Munitions Article 7 reports, the ITF Enhancing Human Security and United Nations Mine Action Service (UNMAS) annual reports, media reporting, and answers from donors to Monitor questionnaires. See the relevant Monitor country profiles for further information, www.the-monitor.org/cp.

[4] Data on national support for mine action is based on reviews of Mine Ban Treaty Article 5 deadline extension requests and Article 7 reports, Convention on Cluster Munitions Article 4 deadline extension requests and Article 7 reports, and media reporting.

[5] The 15 largest donors in 2022 were: the US, the EU, Germany, Japan, Norway, Saudi Arabia, the Netherlands, the UK, Canada, Switzerland, Sweden, France, Denmark, Italy, and New Zealand.

[6] The 15 countries appearing in the list of the 10 largest receipients of international support in 2018–2022 were: Afghanistan, Cambodia, Colombia, Croatia, Iraq, Lao PDR, Lebanon, Libya,  Sri Lanka, Syria, Türkiye, Ukraine, Vietnam, and Yemen.

[7] In July 2021, the UK parliament endorsed the decision to cut the UK’s foreign aid budget from 0.7% to 0.5% of its national income due to the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. In October 2021, media reports estimated that UK funding for mine clearance in 2022–2024 could be reduced by at least 75%. Larisa Brown, “Foreign Office cuts cash for mine clearing by 75%,” The Times, 7 October 2021, bit.ly/TheTimes7Oct2021; and Andrew Mitchell, “Cutting aid for landmine clearance is crazy,” The Telegraph, 10 October 2021, bit.ly/TheTelegraph10Oct2021.

[8] South Korea reported $1.6 million in contributions in 2022.

[9] The amount for each donor has been rounded to the nearest hundred thousand. This data is drawn from information provided by donors in their Article 7 transparency reports as well as responses to Monitor questionnaires and other sources. In 2020, the total contributions of Denmark and the UK might have been slightly higher. For more information see, ICBL, Landmine Monitor 2021 (Geneva: ICBL-CMC, November 2021), bit.ly/LM2021Report.

[10] In 2022, South Korea committed $11 million for a 2022–2026 project to support the unexploded ordnance (UXO) sector in Lao PDR, and $25 million for a five-year mine action and rural development project in Vietnam. In addition, in 2021, South Korea committed $10 million towards mine clearance and victim assistance in Cambodia. See, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Cambodia press release, “Korea Commits $10M to Increase Cambodia’s Mine Clearance and Victim Assistance Efforts in 2021 and Beyond,” 15 March 2021, bit.ly/UNDPSouthKorea15March2021; “Laos, UNDP and KOICA sign USD11 million partnership to support UXO sector in Lao PDR,” Lao News Agency, 10 May 2022, bit.ly/LaoNewsAgency10May2022; and UNDP Vietnam press release, “KOICA and central provinces renewed cooperation in mine action and rural development,” 17 March 2022, bit.ly/UNDPVietnam17March2022.

[11] New Zealand may have contributed more support in 2022, but provided figures for multi-year funded programs for Cambodia (2020–2025), Colombia (2022–2024), and Lao PDR (2017–2024). The figures were not disaggregated by year and so were not included, to avoid double-counting. New Zealand funds for humanitarian response in Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Syria, Ukraine, and Yemen were also not included in the Monitor database as the specific amount going towards mine action activities was not specified.

[12] The six donors were: Austria, Czech Republic, Japan, Slovenia, South Korea, and the US. The US did not always disaggregate funding by recipient.

[13] In comparison, international non-profit organizations received at least $202 million (37%) in 2021.

[14] National non-profit organizations received at least $7.9 million (1%) in 2021. Donors supporting national non-profit organizations in 2022 were Germany, Ireland, Japan, and Norway.

[15] The US supported national non-profit organizations (NPOs) in these states, but did not disaggregate figures for the amounts provided to national NPOs, international NPOs, commercial companies, and the UN. 

[16] Some donors did not disaggregate the type of implementing partner. This has been represented within the “various” category, and mainly includes multilateral organizations, international and national non-profit organizations, and UN agencies.

[17] Of the 10 countries that received the most mine action funding in 2022, eight were in the top 10 in 2021: Afghanistan, Cambodia, Colombia, Iraq, Lao PDR, Syria, Ukraine, and Vietnam.

[18] Recipients with one donor (in brackets) included: Abkhazia (UK), Cameroon (UK), Chad (UK), Croatia (EU), Georgia (Switzerland), Kosovo (US), Mauritania (France), Moldova (Slovenia), Niger (Italy), Pakistan (UK), Philippines (Australia), Rwanda (US), Senegal (EU), Serbia (EU), and Türkiye (EU).

[19] It is likely that some of the support reported by donors for Somalia, a total of $12.7 million from eight donors, contributed to mine action activities in Somaliland, although it was not reported as such.

[20] In 2021, international support was distributed among the following sectors: clearance and risk education ($317.4 million, or 58% of total international support), victim assistance ($25.6 million, or 5%), capacity-building ($20.5 million, or 4%), advocacy ($4.7 million, or 1%), and various activities ($175.3 million, or 32%).

[21] States Parties recipients of international assistance for clearance were: Afghanistan, Angola, BiH, Cambodia, Colombia, Croatia, DRC, Iraq, Mali, Mauritania, Palau, Palestine, Philippines, Senegal, Solomon Islands, Somalia, South Sudan, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Tajikistan, Thailand, Ukraine, Yemen, and Zimbabwe. States not party that received international assistance for clearance were: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Lao PDR, Lebanon, Libya, Myanmar, Syria, and Vietnam. Other areas that received international assistance for clearance activities were: Abkhazia, Kosovo, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Western Sahara.

[22] This included mine, ERW, and cluster munition remnant clearance. The 18 donors were: Australia, Belgium, Canada, Czech Republic, Denmark, EU, France, Germany, Japan, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Norway, Saudi Arabia, Slovenia, Sweden, Switzerland, UK, and US.

[23] Afghanistan, BiH, Cambodia, Croatia, Iraq, Türkiye, and Ukraine. No funding for clearance was reported by donors for Ethiopia.

[24] See, ICBL, “Completion in 2025? In 2030? In our lifetime? Discussion paper on implementation of Article 5 of the Mine Ban Treaty,” June 2021, p. 7, bit.ly/ICBLArticle5ImplementationJune2021.

[25] States Parties Chad, Cyprus, Ecuador, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guinea-Bissau, Niger, Oman, Peru, and Serbia did not receive funding for clearance in 2022. Ecuador (last received international support for clearance in 2012), Eritrea (in 2010), Ethiopia (in 2012), Guinea-Bissau (in 2010), Niger (in 2011), Peru (in 2016), and Serbia (in 2020).

[26] Recipients of international support for clearance with massive contamination (more than 100km2) included: Afghanistan, BiH, Cambodia, Croatia, Iraq, Türkiye, and Ukraine. Recipients with large contamination (20–99km2) included: Angola, Thailand, and Yemen. Recipients with medium contamination (5–19km2) included: South Sudan, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Tajikistan, and Zimbabwe. Recipients with small contamination (less than 5km2) included: Colombia, DRC, Palestine, Senegal, and Somalia.

[27] Donors of international assistance for risk education were: Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Japan, Luxembourg, New Zealand, Slovenia, South Korea, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK. In comparison, nine donors reported contributing a total of $6.7 million for risk education projects in 2021.

[28] In cases where it was not clear if funding for capacity-building was related to the risk education activities, these contributions were not included within the risk education dedicated support.

[29] This table includes recipients of specific risk education funding only. In addition to the recipients listed in the table, 16 states and one other area received support for risk education combined with other mine action activites, such as clearance or victim assistance (the specific amount going to each sector could not be disaggregated): Angola, Benin, BiH, Burkina Faso, Cambodia, DRC, Lebanon, Mauritania, Philippines, Somalia, South Sudan, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Tajikistan, Vietnam, Zimbabwe, and other area Abkhazia.

[30] Victim assistance donors in 2022 were: EU, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Norway, Slovenia, South Korea, Switzerland, and US. States Parties recipients of international funding for victim assistance were: Afghanistan, BiH, Colombia, Ethiopia, Iraq, Mali, Moldova, Niger, Nigeria, Palestine, Rwanda, Somalia, Ukraine, and Yemen. The states not party recipients were: Armenia, Lao PDR, Lebanon, Libya, Myanmar, and Syria. The other area recipient was Nagorno-Karabakh.

[31] In 2021–2022, South Korea announced funding for clearance and victim assistance activities in Cambodia, Lao PDR, and Vietnam. See, UNDP Cambodia press release, “Korea Commits $10 Million to Increase Cambodia’s Mine Clearance and Victim Assistance Efforts in 2021 and Beyond,” 15 March 2021, bit.ly/UNDPSouthKorea15March2021; “Laos, UNDP and KOICA sign USD11 million partnership to support UXO sector in Lao PDR,” Lao News Agency, 10 May 2022, bit.ly/LaoNewsAgency10May2022; and UNDP Vietnam press release, “KOICA and central provinces renewed cooperation in mine action and rural development,” 17 March 2022, bit.ly/UNDPVietnam17March2022.

[32] The States Parties with significant numbers of survivors receiving victim assistance contributions in 2022 were: Afghanistan, BiH, Colombia, Ethiopia, Iraq, Palestine, Somalia, Ukraine, and Yemen. States Parties Cambodia, Iraq, Sri Lanka, Tajikistan, and Zimbabwe received victim assistance contributions as part of integrated clearance programs.

[33] Advocacy activities generally include, but are not limited to: contributions to the Convention on Cluster Munitions and Mine Ban Treaty implementation support units, GICHD, Geneva Call, the ICBL-CMC and its Landmine and Cluster Munition Monitor, the Norwegian People’s Aid (NPA) Mine Action Review, and other operators and NGOs.

[34] Advocacy donors in 2022 included: Andorra, Australia, Austria, Canada, Finland, Germany, Norway, and Switzerland.

[35] Capacity-building donors in 2022 included: Canada, Denmark, EU, France, Japan, Jersey, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Slovenia, South Korea, Spain, Switzerland, UK, US, UNDP, UNICEF, UNMPTF, and UNOPS. Recipients of international assistance for capacity-building were: Azerbaijan, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cambodia, Cameroon, Chad, Colombia, Ethiopia, Iraq, Lao PDR, Lebanon, Libya, Nigeria, Serbia, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Syria, Thailand, and Ukraine. Capacity-building was also included within many of the integrated clearance programs.

[36] Capacity-building was one of the three priorities of the Dutch presidency of the Nineteenth Meeting of States Parties. See, statement of the Netherlands, Mine Ban Treaty Eighteenth Meeting of States Parties, held virtually, 16­–20 November 2020, bit.ly/NLStatementMSP2020.  

[37] Data on national support to mine action is based on reviews of Mine Ban Treaty Article 5 deadline extension requests and Article 7 reports, Convention on Cluster Munitions Article 4 deadline extension requests and Article 7 reports, and media reporting. See the relevant Monitor country profiles for further information, www.the-monitor.org/cp.

[38] Angola Mine Ban Treaty Article 7 Report (for calendar year 2022), Form J, p. 18. See, Mine Ban Treaty Article 7 Database, bit.ly/Article7DatabaseMBT; and HALO Trust, “Annual Report and Financial Statements,” 31 March 2022, bit.ly/HALOTrustAnnualReport31March2022.

[39] Email from H.E. Ly Panha Rith, Secretary General, Cambodian Mine Action and Victim Assistance Authority (CMAA), 8 September 2023.

[40] Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention (APMBC), “Revised Workplan Cambodia,” 10 May 2023, bit.ly/MBTCambodiaWorkplan10May2023; and statement of Cambodia, Mine Ban Treaty intersessional meetings, Geneva, 19–21 June 2023, bit.ly/CambodiaStatementJune2023.

[41] Croatia Mine Ban Treaty Article 7 Report (for calendar year 2022), Form C.

[42] Germany Convention on Cluster Munitions Article 7 Report (for calendar year 2022), Form I, p. 24. See, Convention on Cluster Munitions Article 7 Database, bit.ly/Article7DatabaseCCM.

[43] Lebanon Convention on Cluster Munitions Article 7 Report (for calendar year 2022), Form I.

[44] Somalia, “The Federal Republic of Somalia Work Plan for the period from October 2022 to October 2027,” 30 April 2023, bit.ly/SomaliaMBTArt5Workplan2023.

[45] Yemen Mine Ban Treaty Article 7 Report (for calendar year 2022), Form H, pp. 18–19; and Yemen Mine Ban Treaty Fourth Article 5 deadline Extension Request (revised), 11 August 2022, bit.ly/YemenMBTRevisedA5ExtRequestAug2022.

[46] In 2021, a total of 21 States Parties provided $196.3 million to 26 States Parties.

[47] This figure includes support provided by affected States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty and/or the Convention on Cluster Munitions.

[48] In addition, three affected States Parties to the Convention on Cluster Munitions (Germany, Lao PDR, and Lebanon) reported contributing to their own mine action programs in 2022.

[49] According to Monitor data, from 2013–2017, total support for mine action totaled $3.1 billion ($2.4 billion from international donors and $709 million provided by affected states to their own mine action activities).

[50] Twenty-nine States Parties reported mine action contributions in 2018–2022: Andorra, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Türkiye, and UK.